The Truth and How to Deal With it When Studying History

November 19, 2013 § 6 Comments

In two of the books I’ve read recently I found myself incredibly frustrated by the authors’ insistence on “The Truth” and the “True Story.”  It is worth noting that neither book was written by a professional historian, despite the fact that both dealt with historical subjects.  So I began to think about how we historians are trained to think about “truth” in graduate school, how we deal with various truths in the documents, and by obvious attempts at obfuscation by historical actors.  And how we deal with gaps in the sources.

Each author deal with these problems differently.  In Jack Weatherford’s Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World, I was troubled by Weatherford’s inability to deal with at least one of his sources critically.  Weatherford makes great use of a source called “The Secret History”, which covers the early history of the Mongols in Temujin’s (Chinggis Khan) rise.  I found myself continuously wondering if The Secret History was actually verifiably true, or if it was something to be taken with a grain of salt, which is what my sense was in reading Weatherford’s book.

But the bigger problem came in C.J. Chivers’ The Gun.  Chivers was understandably frustrated throughout his research and writing process by the varying story of the development and proliferation of the AK-47 in the Soviet Union.  Mikhail Kalashnikov himself has published multiple autobiographies, both during the Soviet era and after, and has given countless interviews to the media, both before and after the fall of the USSR.  And in almost everyone of them, he gave different versions of his own biography, of his development of the AK-47 and so on.  I would’ve been frustrated in Chivers’ shoes.

For example, Kalasknikov’s brother, Nikolai, was sent to a Stalin-era prison camp when they were young.  Chivers is frustrated in figuring out what Nikolai’s sentence was.  At the end of the day, I found myself wondering “who cares”?  I am less interested in what sentence Nikolai Kalashnikov received than the fact that he was sentenced to a labour camp in the first place.  And I felt that Chivers spent too much time and space in the book expressing his frustration and inability to get to the fact of the matter there to the detriment of a discussion of the Kalashnikov family’s status as kulaks during Collectivisation during the Stalin era.

Chivers also spends the most time and effort complaining about Kalashnikov’s biography.  He also is downright naïve in expressing his frustration with Soviet-era sources and the multiple truths of the era, as if nothing like that ever happened in the US or any other Western nation.  At any rate, Chivers goes on a long rant about Kalashnikov co-operating with Soviet authorities in the re-crafting of his biography (Chivers prefers the term “white-washing”, which, while being accurate is ahistorical).  Kalashnikov’s family were kulaks, enemies of the state.  They were exiled to Siberia.  No kidding Kalashnikov needed a new biography when he became the inventor of the AK-47, which Chivers makes a strong and compelling argument as the greatest invention of the USSR.  His background as the son of kulaks had to be deleted from the story and a new version be created for public consumption.  To criticise Kalashnikov for participating in this process is almost laughable.  Obviously he had to participate.  He didn’t have a choice in a totalitarian dictatorship.  At least not if he wanted to keep living.

At any rate, it just so happens that, as a public historian, this is the kind of thing I study.  Public historians spend a lot of time looking at how stories get created, whether they are wider cultural stories or individual ones.  If Chivers thinks that what Kalashnikov participated in only happened in totalitarian communist states, he’s deeply, deeply mistaken.  Manufactured histories are part and parcel of almost daily life in Canada and the USA.

But the question of truth is what I’m interested in here.  Fact.  Statistics don’t speak for themselves.  Numbers don’t speak for themselves.  A picture is not worth a thousand words.  Facts are simple things.  Fact: Canadian Confederation happened on 1 July 1867.  But why? And what did it mean?  The why can be answered in many ways, both narrowly and widely.  It can be answered looking at what was happening in the United States, it can be answered looking at British colonial politics.  Or by what was happening in Canada.  Or a combination thereof.  The standard interpretation of what it means is that it was the birth of Canada.  But Canada in 1867 was four provinces, comprised of three colonies.  That’s about it.  It didn’t mean that Canada now had control of its own internal affairs.  That happened in 1848.  It didn’t mean that Canada gained control of foreign affairs.  That happened in 1931.  There was no such thing as Canadian citizenship until 1948.  Nor was the Supreme Court of Canada the highest court of appeal until then.  Canada did not control its own constitution until 1982.  So, in short, facts only cover a very simple corner of the story.  Interpretation is necessary.

To use an example from The Gun: The Ak-47 was developed in 1947.  Or was it?  Chivers does a wonderful job teasing out the details of the weapon’s creation in the late 1940s, to say nothing of the massive re-tooling of the gun that continued into the 1950s.  Even nailing down 1947 as the date of the gun’s creation isn’t as straight-forward as one would think, at least according to Chivers.

So, the truth.  Or the true story.  In my experience, rarely is something billed as the “true story” actually that.  Truth is a messy concept.  And this is what we historians are trained in.  We recognise that the honest truth isn’t necessarily a possibility (or even desirable) in telling a story.  Other things are more important, such as in the case of Nikolai Kalashnikov’s trip to the gulag.  Again, the actual sentence doesn’t interest me as much as why he was sent to the gulag.  In other words, there are varying shades of grey in sorting out the historical story.  And sometimes the actual straight truth isn’t that important to the story.  In the end, Chivers’ story is made all the more interesting for all the work he does in developing and elucidating the various stories of the development of the AK-47 and the various biographies and stories to be told about its inventor (or maybe he wasn’t the inventor, another version of the story could just as easily been that the gun was the result of a collective team), Mikhail Kalashnikov.

The Dehumanising Process of Imperialism

November 7, 2013 § 2 Comments

I’m reading CJ Shivers’ book, The Gun, which is essentially a history and biography of the machine gun, though he focuses primarily on the AK-47.  Shivers, though, goes into great depth about the development of machine guns, back to the attempts of Richard Gatling’s attempts back in the 1860s to develop an automated firing system.  So far, I have to admit, this book is worth the hype it received when it came out in 2010.

However. Shivers spends some time discussing the deployment of the Gatling Gun, as well as the Maxim, amongst others in colonial endeavours in Africa in the late 19th century during the Scramble for Africa.  For the most part, Shivers follows British troops on their attempts to pacify the natives.  The descriptions of the efficacy of the guns are chilling.  Shivers quotes one British soldier who casually mentions the piling up of African bodies as the British advanced with their Maxim guns.  Numbers get thrown around, here 3,000 dead, there 1,500, and so on and so forth.  These are from single battles, large African forces against small British ones.  And yet the British win, because of the guns.

The book summary on the back cover says that this is “a richly human account of the evolution of the very experience of war.”  It is, at least so far, if we are talking about white Europeans and Americans.  When it comes to the black Africans, however, they’re no more than body counts.  This, however, is NOT really Shivers’ fault.  This is the nature of imperialism, this is the very core of imperialism.  The colonised “other” is a faceless, shapeless mass.  The imperialist dehumanises the victims of the imperial process.  The colonised are reduced to something not quite human.  The fault here doesn’t lie with Shivers (let me state that again), it lies with colonial sources.  By design, the Africans were dehumanised by the British (or the French, the Italians, the Germans, or whomever) during the Scramble.  They were reduced to an irritant in the forward march of progress.

None of this is news to anyone who knows anything about imperialism.  It’s not news to me, but sometimes I feel like I’ve just been smacked in the face with this knowledge.  It is almost like reading it again for the first time.  And reading The Gun, I feel that way.

Lest We Forget: Red and White Poppies

November 6, 2013 § 2 Comments

Twitter’s a wonderful thing.  Sometimes.  Today it is.  I just learned about a movement in Canada to distribute white poppies for Remembrance Day.  This apparently comes from the Rideau Institute, which is a left-of-centre think tank in Ottawa.

Flanders Field, World War I

White poppies have a long history in the United Kingdom, they date back to the immediate post-First World War era, when pacifists decided they wanted to commemorate the dead of the war and to put forward the hope that the War to End All Wars was in fact a war to end all wars (we know how that turned out).  These pacifists wanted to remember all war dead, not just the British dead, which is what their problem with the red poppy was.  The red poppy also took on sectarian tones in Northern Ireland during the Troubles, where it was a largely Unionist symbol.

But Canada does not have this history, it does not have the politicisation of something like the Troubles.  The poppy is a pretty apolitical statement.  I wore a red poppy in Canada, and now, living in the US, I feel slightly awkward in late October and November without my poppy.  I have great fondness of memories of getting poppies, I liked to go to Second World War veterans, who pinned the poppy onto my lapel.  There was something profound about that little ceremony, I felt like it connected me, however ephemerally, to my grandparents’ generation (both my grandmother and grandfather served in the Second World War).  And it tied me to our history as a nation.

I generally oppose war, though I do believe there is such a thing as a just war.  And the two world wars of the last century are, to my mind, just wars.  But I don’t think my preference for peace is compromised by wearing a poppy.

The Rideau Institute says that its white poppies are for those who don’t want to celebrate war.  That is not what the red poppy symbolises.  The red poppy commemorates the dead of the wars, those who served.  The white poppy confuses the means with the end.  It politicises Remembrance Day in Canada, the very thing that should not happen.  That the Rideau Institute thinks this is a good idea saddens me somewhat.

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